The biggest problem with the popular vote is the one no one’s talking about
Once data scientists invoked the threat of Russian hackers, it took less than a week for the vote audit in Wisconsin to be crowdfunded and Clinton-endorsed. The recount and the paranoid atmosphere it supports have been referred to as a “slanderous” attack on our voting system, a distraction from the countermoves good Democrats should be making. And it does seem unlikely at this point that the audit will challenge Trump’s claim to the presidency, or that it’ll find evidence of a massive foreign conspiracy. Still, if you’re fond of saying you live in a representative democracy, it seems reasonable to at least pretend to care whether votes count.
Cold War-style attacks and the dramatic overturning of a demagogue are enticing fantasies (they do certainly make good headlines), and here in America we only do recounts when there’s a terrible, nation-altering rift. But in the likely event that neither of those scenarios come to pass, it’s still nice to think we might value the process on which we base (and export) our national identity enough to give it a double-check. When an “unusually high” number of people voted in occupied Iraq, there was an audit. When the voter turnout in the United States is lower than it’s been in almost 20 years, and hundreds of voter restriction laws have been recently enacted, and our voting machines can be easily programmed to play Pac-Man, we need a high-profile third-party candidate to goad us into doing it.
This was the first election in nearly 50 years without the full protection of the Voting Rights Act.
In the months leading up to the election, reports of voter disenfranchisement were well-documented. It was the first election in nearly 50 years without the full protection of the Voting Rights Act—most notably, without one of the act’s key provisions, which required minimal federal oversight when it came to how states regulate the voting process. (It was stuck down in Shelby County v. Holder in 2013.) Since then, states from Texas to North Carolina to Wisconsin have passed complex voting laws, many of which were brought to court for their obvious targeting of low-income populations, the elderly, and voters of color.
Trump likes to tweet about the “millions” of undocumented immigrants who voted against him; the GOP likes to write laws protecting democracy from voter fraud, though more Americans are struck by lightning than attempt to vote as another person. Meanwhile, those laws systematically disenfranchise voters inclined to go Democratic, including students and people of color.
It seems like a relatively small concession to make sure votes actually count.
We let corporations and billionaires spend as much as they want in order to bend politicians’ ears. We live in a country where a candidate can soundly win the popular vote and be defeated. It seems like a relatively small concession to make sure those votes are accurately counted—and to regard an audit not as a petty partisan attack but a necessary check on a system already weighed against such a huge swath of the population. The following are just a few of the restrictions in effect during this election—many of which have drawn comparison to the literacy tests and polling taxes banned by the original Voting Rights Act in 1965—that suppressed untold numbers of voters in 2016.